Post by account_disabled on Feb 28, 2024 3:20:34 GMT -5
Much has been written and will continue to be written about our Transition. There are many aspects to consider: breakup or reform; prominence of the elites or of society, the influence of other countries... Although its precise chronological limits are the subject of academic and social debate, the beginning seems clear, 1975, the death of the dictator. As for the end of it. For some, the approval of the Constitution in . For others, the arrival to the government of the socialists with González in Let me focus on this specific year, in which a series of transcendental events occurred for the future of our democracy, It was suggested to me by reading Robert M. Fishman 's book , which I have already cited in a previous article, Democratic Practice and Inclusion. The general elections of October 28, 1982 decimated the ruling UCD party – created by Adolfo Suárez –, which had won the and elections, and greatly weakened the communists of the PCE, who went from million votes to 840,000, from 23 deputies to 4, product of the unjust electoral law. It is paradoxical that the parties most identified with consensus politics were the victims of this rapid and profound recasting of the party system.
The serious internal divisions in the UCD and the PCE were key to this electoral debacle. However, it is not adequately explained how this profound change modified the political and cultural foundations of our democracy. The PSOE grew spectacularly, attracting voters and some leaders of the already practically destroyed UCD, such as Francisco Fernández Malta Phone Number Ordóñez . The Socialists obtained of the deputies, and became de facto the natural party of government for more than ten years. Popular Alliance (AP), founded in 1976 by Franco's leaders, including Manuel Fraga , became the first right-wing party and the only alternative to the socialists. In the end AP – it became the People's Party in – attracted many UCD members. CDS, the Social Democratic Center, Suárez's new party, tried to occupy the space between AP and the socialists, and lasted somewhat longer than the decimated UCD. As for the peripheral nationalists, Pujol's Convergència i Unió and the PNV remained stable. The new party system allowed alternation in power, but in important respects it was very different from the first party system.
Fraga opposed the term of historical nationalities in the treatment of the multinational periphery in the Constitution The most important transformation in the foundations of our politics due to this realignment of parties after the 1982 elections was the change in the identity and nature of the main party on the right. Both UCD and AP emerged in sectors of the Franco regime that participated in the design of the new democratic system. Both can be classified as reactive successor parties to authoritarian regimes, according to Loxton . That is, they were created in reaction to democratic transitions because they understood that regime change was imminent. And they began to operate and compete, accepting the electoral laws and, in cases, winning elections. However, the two parties, UCD and AP had quite different perspectives on an important set of issues very relevant to the essence of democratic politics. Suárez's UCD was a great defender of compromise , willing to give ground on symbolic and material issues . Instead, AP was a staunch defender of authority and order , and of a traditional understanding of the national essence, considering such principles as fundamental elements in lasting political systems. The differences between both parties surfaced many times during the Transition, sometimes related to political culture.
The serious internal divisions in the UCD and the PCE were key to this electoral debacle. However, it is not adequately explained how this profound change modified the political and cultural foundations of our democracy. The PSOE grew spectacularly, attracting voters and some leaders of the already practically destroyed UCD, such as Francisco Fernández Malta Phone Number Ordóñez . The Socialists obtained of the deputies, and became de facto the natural party of government for more than ten years. Popular Alliance (AP), founded in 1976 by Franco's leaders, including Manuel Fraga , became the first right-wing party and the only alternative to the socialists. In the end AP – it became the People's Party in – attracted many UCD members. CDS, the Social Democratic Center, Suárez's new party, tried to occupy the space between AP and the socialists, and lasted somewhat longer than the decimated UCD. As for the peripheral nationalists, Pujol's Convergència i Unió and the PNV remained stable. The new party system allowed alternation in power, but in important respects it was very different from the first party system.
Fraga opposed the term of historical nationalities in the treatment of the multinational periphery in the Constitution The most important transformation in the foundations of our politics due to this realignment of parties after the 1982 elections was the change in the identity and nature of the main party on the right. Both UCD and AP emerged in sectors of the Franco regime that participated in the design of the new democratic system. Both can be classified as reactive successor parties to authoritarian regimes, according to Loxton . That is, they were created in reaction to democratic transitions because they understood that regime change was imminent. And they began to operate and compete, accepting the electoral laws and, in cases, winning elections. However, the two parties, UCD and AP had quite different perspectives on an important set of issues very relevant to the essence of democratic politics. Suárez's UCD was a great defender of compromise , willing to give ground on symbolic and material issues . Instead, AP was a staunch defender of authority and order , and of a traditional understanding of the national essence, considering such principles as fundamental elements in lasting political systems. The differences between both parties surfaced many times during the Transition, sometimes related to political culture.